By Jared Chausow
By Katie Toth
By Elizabeth Flock
By Albert Samaha
By Anna Merlan
By Jon Campbell
By Jon Campbell
By Albert Samaha
The 72-year-old Floridian who brought the story of Henry Hyde's extramarital affair to the online magazine Salonis a lifelong liberal who was a delegate for Henry Wallace in 1948, calls himself a card-carrying member of the ACLU, and denounces the current Republican-dominated Congress as "the most reactionary of my lifetime."
But the story of Norm Sommer's quest to bring Hyde's affair to light makes it plain why Republican claims that the White House planted the Hyde story are a canard. Indeed, Sommer encountered months of nearly unanimous rejection from the mainstream media, just as Salon has weathered nearly unanimous condemnation of its decision to print the Hyde piece--all while the media continue to hyperventilate over Clinton's sexcapades.
Sommer told me his involvement in the Hyde story began by chance some seven years ago, when his friend and tennis partner Fred Snodgrass told him that Hyde had carried on a lengthy affair with his wife. Then when the Monica Lewinsky story broke in January, Sommer says he asked Snodgrass for "authorization" to tell his story, and began what can only be called a personal crusade to get the story reported.
Sommer's scorn for the Republican Congress is palpable, and he calls Hyde a "hypocrite of the highest order. This icon of moral rectitude broke up my friend's family. So much for his 'family values.' "
In January, Sommer began an exceptionally persistent, and exceptionally media-savvy, effort to expose Hyde. He says he eventually spent more than $2000 calling and writing some 57 media outlets. He tried The New York Times, The Washington Post, Newsweek, Time, CBS, CNN, NPR, and The New Yorker, among others. But few of these truth-seekers returned his calls, despite the fact that the self-described "news junkie" often directed his missives to specific political reporters.
This weekend, Boston Globe columnist David Nyhan penned an account of how he was contacted by Sommer: "Three days after Clinton testified for the grand jury... I sat in as a guest host of C-Span's morning call-in show. That same day, a viewer in Florida wrote to me: 'I just caught you on C-Span, and...' " The viewer was Sommer. At the bottom of his letter, he had handwritten, "If interested, maybe your Chris Black can do the exposé, and you can do the column." Black, the Globe's national political correspondent, laughingly refers to Sommer as "the assignment editor."
Unlike virtually all of Sommer's targets, Black did pursue the story, and "reported it out" till she was convinced of its truth. But, she says, deciding whether to run the story "was not my call." So she notified her editors, and awaited "their verdict." It was no.
Globe executive editor Helen Donovan says it was an easy call: the long-ago affair was just not relevant, she says, and "if we started down that road, we would end up undertaking endless investigations." Indeed, editors and writers across the mainstream media world exhibited a remarkable unanimity about the Hyde story. Sommer contacted Tom Fiedler, political editor of the Miami Herald, in April, but Fiedler and his Herald colleagues decided that publishing the piece would be "gratuitous."
The consensus extended to the progressive press. The Nation's David Corn was actually the first to seriously investigate the story, after Sommer reached Nation publisher Victor Navasky in June. Corn says he verified the affair in August. But the Nation also took a pass. Says Navasky, "We're not going to devote our resources to investigating the private lives of public figures. We've been highly critical of others who do so, going all the way back to the McCarthy era. It's wrong to play that game--and counterproductive."
Even Salon's Washington bureau chief, Jonathan Broder, rejected the story. Broder told the National Journal, "I was very much against running the story. There were no public issues involved. . . . She wasn't on Hyde's payroll. She hadn't had a news conference announcing an affair with him... and it was 30 years old."
But the Globe's Black offered a different rationale: "There is an issue of hypocrisy here. I covered Hyde in the '70s, and he certainly wrapped himself in the mantle of moral rectitude; on the other hand, he's been pretty circumspect about Clinton." Corn, Fiedler, and others echo Black, allowing that hypocrisy might have justified the decision to print, but finding Hyde an equivocal case.
Sommer says he became so frustrated with the mainstream media that he brought the story to the Star--and offered it up for $30,000. The tabloidbit, but they insisted on interviewing Hyde's old girlfriend, and Sommer didn't think she was willing. Besides, he had found another taker: Salon editor David Talbot.
Last week, apoplectic Republicans blamed the White House--specifically aide Sidney Blumenthal--for planting the Hyde story. House majority whip Tom DeLay called for an FBI investigation. Conservative mouthpieces like the New York Post's Deborah Orin made much of the fact that George Will and William Kristol had claimed Blumenthal was peddling the Hyde story on the September 6 edition of ABC News's This Week, 10 days before the Salon story ran.
This picture of Blumenthal as a dirt merchant does not strike many as unlikely. Last March, Doug Ireland reported in the Nation that Blumenthal had spread rumors that aides to Ken Starr were gay. Still, it's evident that, thanks to Sommer, the Hyde story was out there for months before Blumenthal was fingered.