By Jared Chausow
By Katie Toth
By Elizabeth Flock
By Albert Samaha
By Anna Merlan
By Jon Campbell
By Jon Campbell
By Albert Samaha
"They say," Ralph Nader laughed the other day, "he's a has-been. They say he's doing it out of desperation." They are Washington reporters who for the last decade have been studiously ignoring the consumer advocate. Been there, done that.
But Nader, 66, is a pretty jazzed-up geezer. As in the past, he is running against the malign influence of corporations on everyday life. He sees the main parties as carbon copies of each other, both beholden to billionaire CEOs. Beyond narrow consumer issues, few outside of Washington know about his continuing influence in national politics. In the early '90s, it was Nader who took up cudgels against Clinton and Gore, managing the fight against NAFTA and putting together a coalition of left and right House members. It was Naderites who pushed the Justice Department to file the antitrust action against Microsoft. They campaigned against Gore's refusal to make cheap AIDS medicine available to South Africa, and eventually forced the administration to change its policy. Next week, Nader will be a key speaker at demonstrations in Washington, D.C., against the IMF and the World Bank when those organizationswhich set onerous terms for financial aid to third world countriesconvene here for their annual meeting.
Nader's first presidential bid was a barely noticed appearance in New Hampshire in 1992 where he was overshadowed by Jerry Brown, who stole his constituency. In 1996, he made a lackluster run on the Green Party ticket, drawing 1 percent of the vote nationally. This year he promises a serious campaign on the Green Party ticket and hopes to run in all 50 states. Currently, the Greens are on the ballot in 11 states, including New York and California. In 25 other states it takes petitions with up to 5000 signatures to qualify. In nine states, including Texaswhere the Greens want to run statewide candidatesthe bar is much higher. Texas requires 38,000 signatures, and North Carolina demands 52,000.
In an interview, Nader said he wants to widen his campaign to include students, union members, and consumer groups. Tony Mazzochi, a former official of the Oil, Chemical, & Atomic Workers Union, will give a speech in support of Nader at the Green Party's Denver convention in June, even though Mazzochi is currently organizing a labor party. Organizations that Nader helped start, like the Public Interest Research Group, and Clean Water Action, which canvasses door-to-door on pollution issues, will help from a distance. The idea is to establish the Greens as a viable third party. Though Pat Buchanan, the likely Reform Party candidate, has filed suit to gain access to the presidential debates, Nader says he probably won't file suit. But he argues that media groups that set the standards for participation through polling have a conflict of interest and are acting unethically as journalists.
So far, left-liberal politicians have kept Nader at arm's length. Jerry Brown, now mayor of Oakland, said he would lend a helping hand, but felt compelled to support Gore in the interests of maintaining federal funding for his city. Bernie Sanders, the Vermont independent who did not support Nader in 1996, told the candidate he'll have to weigh his options this year.
While lame-duck Clinton traipsed across the Indian subcontinent, aggressive diplomats from the European Union last week quietly nailed down a treaty with Mexico that bodes trouble for the U.S. On March 21, the EU signed a trade agreement with Mexico granting it tariff-free access to the Union by 2003. Now the EU hopes to reach similar deals with other Latin American nations.
Such agreements will allow the Europeans an opportunity under NAFTA to shuttle their goods through Mexico into the U.S. and Canada. Over the next several months, tariff reductions will go into effect on about 95 percent of the trade between Mexico and the EU, including reductions in the highly sensitive automotive, energy, and agriculture sectors.
With instability in Asia, Russia, Africa, and the Mideast, the Europeans were left with little choice but to strengthen ties to Mexico and South America by capitalizing on Spanish and Portuguese cultural links, according to Stratfor.com, the invaluable intelligence Web site.
The Mexican treaty is certain to be unsettling to the Clinton administration because it now must defend itself in Congress against charges it dithered away trade opportunities in this hemisphere until it was too late. Nothing makes conservative Republicans more irate than the thought that the U.S. fiefdoms to the south are being exploited by others.
One of the triumphs of the deeply flawed primary process may have been the freeing of Gary Bauer from the grip of Pat Robertson's baleful Jesus freaks. Bauer had been a loyal follower of the master's fire-and-brimstone political doctrine in the early primaries, dutifully pushing all the far-right Christer views, cheerfully toeing the line against abortion and same-sex marriage, always enthusiastic in his efforts to hang the Ten Commandments in every public place, telling kids how things would have turned out differently in Tiananmen Square if only the Chinese teenagers had been able to exercise their Second Amendment rights and whip out Glock 9s. But although Bauer showed himself to be a skilled politician, scoring one-line zingers against George W., and becoming a star on the debate circuit, no one seemed to give a damn.