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Abortion Back in the Bushes
The Lies of St. John
Bush's Ties to Monsanto
Shrub Coasts on Energy Crisis
BJ, Bush-Style


Abortion Back in the Bushes
RU-Ready?

Even before Clinton could get out of town Saturday, the Bush team was signaling changes to Clinton administration policies, including reconsideration of approval for RU-486. "It's a new drug, it's contentious and controversial and the safety of it, as I understand it, is in question," said HHS Secretary Tommy Thompson, who opposes abortion, at his confirmation hearings. On Monday, the new administration took steps to end federal funding to groups that provide abortion counseling abroad. "The president does not support using federal funds to promote abortion," said Ari Fleischer, Bush's press secretary.

Asked on Fox News whether he'd rule out ordering the Justice Department to seek a change in Roe v. Wade, Bush said, "Well, not at all. . . . As you know, I campaigned as a pro-life candidate."

Meanwhile, Bush's nominee for interior secretary, Gale Norton, strongly hinted that she would support plans for oil drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. "I have been told production there would impact only about 2000 acres in an area well over the size of many of our states," she said in confirmation testimony.

Desperately moving to block Clinton's last-minute blizzard of rules and regulations, the Bush team targeted new industry-opposed environmental restrictions on runoff from animal-feed lots, as well as 800 pages of guidelines for Medicare managed-care programs.


The Lies of St. John
Missouri Compromised

On Larry King Live last Thursday, Robert Byrd of West Virginia, the dean of the U.S. Senate, said he would probably vote to confirm John Ashcroft as attorney general. Byrd's reasoning, shared by other Democratic senators, is that Ashcroft as a legislator—he has just finished serving as a Missouri senator—could say what he wanted about issues. However, on assuming an executive function, he must enforce the law. Byrd seems confident that is what Ashcroft will do.

But that's just the point. It was as a powerful state official—first as attorney general and then as governor of Missouri—that Ashcroft aggressively pushed through his own agenda. In testimony before the Senate Judiciary Committee last week, Ashcroft denied that he opposed desegregation in the St. Louis schools. "Nothing could be further from the truth," he said. He has also said, "I don't oppose desegregation," and "I am in favor of integration." But in 1984, the St. Louis Post-Dispatch reports, Ashcroft called a St. Louis desegregation plan an "outrage against human decency." In his 1984 gubernatorial campaign, he widely advertised his fight against desegregation as a campaign theme, claiming he had done "everything in his power legally" to fight the plan, and advertised the fact by saying, "ask Judge [William] Hungate, who threatened me with contempt."

Consider the following key points in the debate, based on Senator Kennedy's factual research and a detailed report by People for the American Way (www.pfaw.org):

Ashcroft's claim: "While I was attorney general, I inherited a desegregation lawsuit in St. Louis from my predecessor in office, Jack Danforth. I argued on behalf of the state of Missouri that it could not be found legally liable for segregation in St. Louis schools because the state had never been party to the litigation."

Fact: The state had been made a party to the litigation while Ashcroft—not Danforth—was attorney general. In response to a submission by Ashcroft, the Court of Appeals stated: "the state of Missouri, the Missouri Commissioner of Education, and the Missouri Board of Education were added as defendants pursuant to various district court orders in the summer of 1977."

Ashcroft's claim: " . . . the court sought to make the state responsible and liable for the payment of these very substantial sums of money, and the state had not been found really guilty of anything."

Fact: In March 1980, the Court of Appeals reversed a lower court, ruling that both the state and city school board were liable for segregation, and in a June 1980 finding of fact the district court said that "the state of Missouri, which prior to 1954 mandated school segregation, never took any effective steps to dismantle the dual system it had compelled by [the] constitution, statutory law, practice, and policy." And after further legal analysis, the court declared, "the state defendants stand before the Court as primary constitutional wrongdoers who have abdicated their remedial duty. Their efforts to pass the buck among themselves and other state instrumentalities must be rejected."

In 1982, Ashcroft was back in the Court of Appeals, arguing the district court could not order the state to help fund voluntary city-suburb desegregation. The Court of Appeals again rejected the argument, repeating once more that the state defendants were "primary constitutional wrongdoers."

Ashcroft's claim: "In all of the cases where the court made an order, I followed the order, both as attorney general and as governor."

Fact: In March 1981, a federal district court threatened to hold the state in contempt if it did not meet the latest desegregation deadline.


Bush's Ties to Monsanto
Franken Shrub

One way conspiracy buffs can get a handle on the new Bush administration is by examining the many ties between the president's team and Monsanto, the big Missouri chemical company that promotes genetically engineered foods.

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