By Jared Chausow
By Katie Toth
By Elizabeth Flock
By Albert Samaha
By Anna Merlan
By Jon Campbell
By Jon Campbell
By Albert Samaha
Surely, the odds are even greater now that the PRC will probably continue to prioritize economic development (and the improvement of the capital city's environment and infrastructure) over absolutely everything else. Anti-Western elements in China, particularly within the officer ranks of the People's Liberation Army, will have to justify any proposed adventurism that might jeopardize the 2008 Games. At the moment, that will be a very hard sell in Beijing.
China is currently engaged in a titanic internal struggle to escape the suffocating clutches of its past without overtly repudiating its Communist inheritance. That's not easy when the official visage of the Communist country's founder, Mao Tse-tung, hangs so enormously at one end of Tiananmen Square.
Chairman Mao was two things to his people: first, the heroic George Washington of his country, expunging all foreigners and consolidating everything under Beijing's wing except the offshore prize of Taiwan; and second, (less recognized internally), one huge, irrational drag on China's domestic modernization and natural drift toward world economic integration.
So, Mao put China back together again, but, like Fidel Castro in Cuba, he stayed too long and China began to come unglued. In conceiving and insisting on such tragic domestic misadventures as the failed Great Leap Forward, which put the economy in reverse, and the utterly satanic Cultural Revolution, which killed many Chinese and halted all progress in China, he perpetuated, in effect, more misery and death on his fellow Chinese than did even the fierce Japanese, China's hated neighbor, during World War II. But certain truths about China must be unsaid, especially in China.
That long nightmare began to wane with the rise to power of Deng Xiaoping. Astute and pragmatic, Deng understood that Mao's peculiar statecraft doomed China to further decades of servitude and lassitude as a teetering third-world economy with more than a billion mouths to feed. So he threw out the Little Red Book and replaced it with the Axiom of the Black and White Cat: "It doesn't matter," he would say, justifying the occasional obvious deviation from Communist economic orthodoxy, "if the cat is black or white, as long as it catches the mouse." It will take the mature fullness of history for the late Deng (relentlessly clear-eyed and as practical as possible under the lumbering system) to be appreciated as the maker of modern China and for Mao to be seen as its fierce liberator. Period.
For it is today the bright hope of Dengism's flexible economic legacy that fuels modern China, not the dark fearfulness of medieval Maoism. Pragmatism more so than Communism sits atop this vast country, seeking to keep in check a nationalism that could at any time flare up like a virus, reinfecting China with some dangerous mass political fever.
To date, Dengism with its phenomenally consistent high economic growth rates and increasing economic opportunitiesalbeit development that is mainly concentrated along the coastal and southern regionsis reshaping China by vastly reducing poverty in this heretofore nearly destitute goliath and opening up the economy to the outside world in ways that the xenophobic Mao would never have permitted. Imagine the Great Revolutionary tolerating the extended negotiations and substantive concessions that have been required of China by the West as part of the World Trade Organization's acceptance process.
Yet, mettle from the Olympics award should serve to further stay the Maoist hand that could break through from the grave and plunge China back into darkness. The Games present the Chinese with a kind of huge national goal worthy of the great people of this sprawling country, and a new inspiration to enable them to get through the many difficult days ahead. The West often views China as if it were one tightly and seamlessly woven totalitarian tapestry. We are apt to think that Beijing can pull on a thread and yank anyone in line. In fact, more and more, China's system of governance is moving away from that Orwellian vision and more in the direction of a one-party Mexico.
Over time, that's in fact how China will probably evolve: into a more superficially democratic, all-encompassing one-party colossus. What beckons for China is a large-scale mainland version of what until recently prevailed as the unifying force of tiny offshore Taiwan: superficially democratic governance by one party, the KMT. It is only lately that this ruling-elite party has had any real opposition. That's the way Beijing would like to keep things. But it won't be easy in this revolutionary technological age of global interdependency. Indeed, this is how many informed Chinese on the mainland see their homeland developing over the next 10 to 20 yearslike Taiwan.