By Jared Chausow
By Katie Toth
By Elizabeth Flock
By Albert Samaha
By Anna Merlan
By Jon Campbell
By Jon Campbell
By Albert Samaha
All four of the city's dailies endorsed George Pataki barely two months ago. Listen to what their editorial pages are saying now:
The New York Post ruminated about the governor's predilection for "blaming Osama bin Laden for all of New York's woes" and complained that he's "never even hinted at the fact that much of the state's current crisis is driven by cynical, profligate, re-election-focused budgeteering." The solution? "Fiscal solvency resides in the repudiation of Pataki's election-year alliancesand the reclamation of the booty distributed to confirm them."
The New York Times has discovered that "the state of New York State is Mr. Pataki's mess," noting that he has "far more unfulfilled promises than accomplishments." The paper accused him of "running for office on a feel-good budget" and draining surpluses and "one-time bonuses to camouflage the widening hole" in state finances.
Newsday assailed Pataki for "a continuation of his deceitful re-election campaign," accusing him of "ducking serious issues and promoting the illusion that things weren't as bad as he had to admit after the election." The Daily News was the most muted of the revisionist editorial boards, but still concluded on the eve of Pataki's inaugural that he spent "most of the year denying there was a problem."
The reason incumbents dissemble in campaigns is because the opinion makers who frame media coverage not only allow them to do it, but join them. Pataki could care less what these editorial pages say about his past policies now; he got their imprimatur, caveats and all, when it mattered. Unlikely to run again in New York, Pataki is playing to a national partisan and ideological audience now, angling for a Bush or post-Bush place in the sun. As the flagship of the Murdoch-GOP combine, the Post still matters to the chameleon governorand its post-election rants about tax hikes may have helped prompt his State of the State resistance to thembut the other three, particularly the Times, have already served their maximum purpose.
When the Democrat who was challenging Pataki, Comptroller Carl McCall, released the detailed report his office's professional staff prepares every year assessing ongoing state finances, none of the four dailies wrote a word about it. McCall's experts warned then that the current budget fails "to address the imbalance the state will face next year and beyond," even as Pataki stonewalled and pandered.
Two days after McCall won the nomination, the Times went so far as to suggest that he had "approved" this year's transparently deceptive budget when he signed off on a legally mandated release permitting legislators to receive the back pay that was withheld until the budget was approved. The paper made no such contention when it used his fiscal expertise to endorse McCall in the Democratic primary, ignoring Andrew Cuomo's high-decibel attempts to pin that supposed certification on the comptroller. The effect, however, of the Times' belated and bogus scapegoatingdenied emphatically by McCall in a published letterwas to take the budget off the table as a critical comparative measure of the candidates.
Every indication is that Pataki will attempt to close the largest gap in state history without raising any taxes, even while he foists new tuition and transit tariffs on middle- and working-class families. His State of the State lesson plan on "job-killing" tax increases was greeted warmly by Mayor Bloomberg, who sat next to Libby Pataki and rose to applause when singled out by the governor. Bloomberg, who knows a lifetime more about the factors affecting business location decisions than a governor who's been in public office for 21 consecutive years, just imposed a gigantic property tax increase and is seeking a reinstatement of the commuter tax.
There is no clearer contrast. Bloomberg has repeatedly contended that vital services, more than tax levels, influence corporate and employment decisions. His approach to what was once a $6 billion city gap, cut in half now by the actions he's taken, is a reasonable mix of agency reductions and revenue boosts, a formula Pataki rejected in last week's speech. Bloomberg is even willing to publicly contemplate laying off cops as a way of forcing Pataki and Senate leader Joe Bruno to approve a commuter tax, one expressly linked to maintaining NYPD force levels (and firehouses), as were the income tax surcharges of the early '90s.
If Pataki genuinely believes tax hikes are such bad policy that they can't even be part of the response to the worst state crisis since the Depression, why did he allow the budget to grow at four times the rate of inflation over the last six (mostly flush) years? Why did he refuse to use part of the '90s surplus to pay down the carnivorous state debt? Didn't he realize that his 43 percent spending explosionfrom $63 billion to $90 billionwould fuel the demand for tax increases when the existing revenue stream could no longer support it? Didn't he understand that the $5 billion boost this yeara 6 percent increase even after he learned back in April that he'd overestimated tax receipts by a billion and a halfwould just make the inevitable cutbacks all that more painful?