By Jared Chausow
By Katie Toth
By Elizabeth Flock
By Albert Samaha
By Anna Merlan
By Jon Campbell
By Jon Campbell
By Albert Samaha
Askew wasn't above fronting about a number of things, including his religion (referring to himself as Jewish, though he'd been raised a Jehovah's Witness) and of course his sexuality. To his friend, this duplicitous streak stemmed from growing up in a faith "that made him feel he was shit"and from intense loyalty to his family. "He didn't talk about his father much. Anything he said was about his mother and brother. I feel they had a close relationship. Maybe they knew, but it was a secret."
This is not a unique situation for a gay man on the down low. But in Askew's case, the same forces that propelled him to create a double life led to a fixation on control. He was a jealous lover and sometimes a violent one. In 1996, he was arrested for battering his partner with a hammer, leaving a police record that would come back to haunt him. Such a man might be capable of murder, especially if his target was a rival who threatened to expose his sexuality for all the world to see.
Davis's strategy was to coopt an opponent, and Askew was no exception. According to him, Davis promised a job and political entrée if Askew called off his campaign. But the carrot came with a stick. Just hours before Askew drew his gun, he called the FBI to complain that Davis had threatened to out himand reveal his rap sheet. Investigators believe that, on at least one occasion, Davis actually visited Askew's family. As the campaign heated up last month, Davis replied to a question about Askew by insisting, "I've never heard of himor her."
It seems unlikely that a politician wouldn't know about someone gathering petitions to run against himand Davis was a master pol. It's quite possible that he was not above outing an opponent. Askew reportedly waited to file his petitions until just past the deadline. Perhaps he had weighed Davis's threats and decided at the last minute to withdraw. By then, his fragile personality was crumbling into paranoia. But, as the saying goes, even paranoids have enemies.
On the eve of the killing, Askew told a friend he was being played by Davis, who had declined to sign a letter guaranteeing him a job. He had sabotaged his own campaign; he felt betrayed by a man who had posed as his mentor; he was in terror of having his deepest secret revealedeven to his family. Askew had always been a control freak. Now he was a bomb ready to explode.
This is one explanation for Askew's deadly outburst. But it doesn't fit the irresistible image of the homicidal homosexual. Ever since Tom Brokaw used those words to describe Andrew Cunanan, they've become a staple of stories about gay killers. Flamboyant madness and kinky inclinations are part of the typeand AIDS is icing on the cake. To the New York Post's headline writers, Askew was an "HIV ASSASSIN." The paper blithely declared that "HIV AND FAILURE FUELED HIS RAGE," though there was no evidence to support this claim. When a gay man commits murder, every aspect of his identity is tarted up to create the portrait of a pervert.
Even the fact that gay porn was found in Askew's "fastidiously neat" apartment showed up in the Post as implicit proof of his twisted mind. His seductive look in beefcake photos, intended to promote him as a male model, took on a predatory vibe when blazoned across the front page of the Daily News. A single frame from a TV interview, in which Askew seemed to be staring pop-eyed at the camera, became the "WILD EYES OF A KILLER" in the Post.
No reporter delved into Askew's struggle with the closet or the impact of his fundamentalist roots. Though this case vividly illustrates the catastrophic effects of dragging someone out of the closet, no commentator dared to call it wrong to out a political opponent. Instead, Davis's conduct was dismissed as typical hardball politics. How can the media take a critical look at indiscriminate outing when they are prone to it themselves?
It's hard to criticize a murdered leader, especially one as popular as Davis was, even in Fort Greene's vibrant queer community. He had helped the mostly gay Unity Fellowship Church find a new home in his district. He had sponsored a pride event honoring local gay activists. He had signed on to a bill that would require private companies to offer domestic-partner benefits to their gay employees, and he had voted for transsexual rights. These gestures were courageous, but also logical steps for someone with political ambitionsand Davis had spoken to at least one Brooklyn gay activist about running for mayor.