By Anna Merlan
By Keegan Hamilton
By Albert Samaha
By Darwin BondGraham
By Keegan Hamilton
By Anna Merlan
By Anna Merlan
By Tessa Stuart
President George H.W. Bush, in 1991, at the end of the Gulf War
Three decades have passed since the last helicopter rose from the American embassy roof in Saigon, and in that time, our leaders still feel the need to announce, at regular intervals, that the Vietnam War is behind us. Yet, in stone-headed contradiction, they also regularly haul the nation into situations that repeat the bungled thinking behind that war. So here we are again, this time mired along the Euphrates instead of the Mekong.
Listen up to a few of the obvious lessons of Vietnam:
Military superiority alone cannot trump an adversary's political staying power. Never underestimate the forces of nationalism.
The majority of the people in the country your army has entered may passively support the basic goals of your mission, but it is angry minorities who more often determine the outcome.
No single nation-state, regardless of the immensity of its armed power, can carry out these missions mostly alone. The United States is now bending, economically and otherwise, under the costs of the mostly unilateral invasion and occupation of Iraq.
Why can't our leaders accept these lessons and take them to heart? Probably the uppermost reason is that we lost the Vietnam War. Losing is unacceptable in America. Nice guys finish last, and all that. We do not teach our children that one learns from mistakes, not successes. Instead we teach them the platitudes we are hearing now from President George W. Bush's campaign for re-election: "We will not cut and run." Even if none of our premises for invading Iraq have been validated, "we did the right thing, and the world is better off for it."
Anyone who says Vietnam isn't still in our heads must be living in solitary in a maximum-security prison. That war permeates the presidential campaign. Democrat John Kerry has been attacked by a group of Vietnam veterans who see him as a turncoat, because when he returned to the States from his combat duty, he became an outspoken advocate against the war. These men say his medals were not properly earned and his wounds not serious. But men who actually served under him on Swift boats on the ambush-lined rivers of Vietnam hail him as a brave brother in arms. A number of them campaign at his side.
The Republicans in the White House say he is unqualified to be the nation's commander in chief. Their reasons have little to do with his military qualifications. That may be because his GOP accusers either actively avoided the draft during Vietnam or, in the president's case, wangled special treatment to get assigned to the Air National Guard in Texas. They say, for instance, that Kerry wants to be on both sides of the Iraq issue, voting for the war resolution in October 2002 but then denouncing the president for the reckless manner in which he rushed to warwithout most of our traditional allies and without exhausting every possible avenue of diplomacy. Yet a lot of Americans supported the vote for the war resolution and now fault the president for his headlong decisions afterward.
Vice President Dick Cheneywho sought and received five draft deferments to avoid Vietnam and is now the administration's leading hawkhas taken to calling Kerry a milquetoast because Kerry, in a recent speech, had said: "I believe I can fight a more effective, more thoughtful, more strategic, more proactive, more sensitive war on terror that reaches out to other nations and brings them to our side and lives up to American values in history."
Speaking to a partisan crowd in Dayton, Ohio, Cheney said: "America has been in too many wars for any of our wishes, but not a one of them was won by being sensitive." He went on to use the word sensitive again and again in a sneering tone, drawing easy laughter each time.
The Kerry camp responded by citing its candidate's Vietnam war record and by pointing out that Bush himself had used the word sensitive in relation to war and the exercise of military strength. At the christening of the aircraft carrier USS Ronald Reaganin 2001, Bush said that "because America is powerful, we must be sensitive about expressing our power and influence."
Researching such quotes can obviously be helpful, especially in restoring one's sanity during the prevaricating days of presidential elections. In 1989, when Cheney was defense secretary in the administration of George Bush's father, a Washington Post reporter, George C. Wilson, asked him about his Vietnam deferments and he said, "I had other priorities in the '60s than military service."
Senator John McCain, whose Vietnam service as a bomber pilot included several medals and five years as a P.O.W. in the Hanoi Hilton, recently called on President Bush publicly to denounce the political ad paid for by the veterans critical of Kerry's anti-war advocacy. Bush declined. A few days later, McCain was campaigning with Bush in Florida, a pivotal electoral state, hugging him onstage and, by doing so, giving the president the imprimatur of McCain's Vietnam record and P.O.W. internment. McCain, who lost to Bush in the Republican primaries four years ago, is often at odds with the president. In contrast, he has bonded with fellow veteran Kerry in the Senate, a closeness stemming from their work together on Vietnam issues.