By Anna Merlan
By Albert Samaha
By Tessa Stuart
By Anna Merlan
By Roy Edroso
By Carolyn Hughes
By Chuck Strouse
By Albert Samaha
Laurie Cumbo first stumbled into the BAM battle at a public meeting in October 2002, held to address the Brooklyn Academy of Music's plans for a new "mixed-use cultural district" in Fort Greene, on the edge of Downtown Brooklyn. Cumbo had heard that BAM's Local Development Corporation planned to lure various arts organizations into their proposed district with offers of subsidies. She was interested in what this venerable performing-arts institution might offer her fledgling museum, the Museum of Contemporary Diasporan Arts (MOCADA).
The cultural district was originally envisioned as an area larger than Manhattan's Lincoln Center that would cut a 10-by-three-block zigzag through Downtown Brooklyn and the heart of Fort Greene. BAM and the BAM LDC are formally separate entities, but the LDC is chaired by Harvey Lichtenstein, who was BAM's executive director for 32 years before founding the LDC in 1998. In 2001, he secured a $50 million matching grant from ex-mayor Giuliani. But initial meetings between Lichtenstein and Bloomberg's deputy mayor, Dan Doctoroff, were held behind closed doors. According to community activist Patti Hagan, "[Residents] thought that the BAM LDC was just one of these government entities that was remaking Fort Greene without any input from the people who live there basically white people coming in and saying to a black community, 'We know what's best for you.' "
Compared to Ratner's controversial Atlantic Yards project, the BAM LDC plan seems like small potatoes. BAM has already made four relatively recent additionsthe Mark Morris Dance Center, the Harvey Lichtenstein Theater, BAM Rose Cinemas, and BAMcaféwithout triggering too much consternation. But some residents fear that yet more BAM might be the cultural analogue to Ratner's stadium plan, the equivalent of clear-cutting an old-growth forest and planting monocultured rows in its place.
Over the next decade, on four sites covering about 10 city blocks, the BAM LDC wants to build several large developments that will, if realized, drastically alter the landscape of Fort Greene and abutting parts of Downtown Brooklyn. Ground has already been broken for the Theater for a New Audience, designed by architects Frank Gehry and Hugh Hardy, on the so-called South Site. A new visual and performing-arts library is in the preliminary stages next door, complete with a Lincoln Centerstyle fountain. The North Site promises a mix of cultural outlets, public space and retail amenities, and 350 units of mixed-income housing. The East Site is obliquely described in LDC promotional literature as "being developed to house a cultural base of up to 60,000 square feet, as well as up to 150 units of housing." On a fourth plot, the West Site, the BAM LDC is negotiating over the property with existing owners and entertaining the option of more housing.
Sharon Zukin, professor of sociology at Brooklyn College, says in her 1995 book The Cultures of Citiesthat "cultural institutions have a long history of raising property values . . . and high art has become more like for-profit culture industries in many ways." Although MOCADA is just one small part of a much larger strategy to develop Downtown Brooklyn, it signals a change in the perception of cultural institutions as engines of economic development. Most developers now recognize that concert halls, not just stadiums, bring in the money.
After decades of benign neglect, Downtown Brooklyn has suddenly become the focus of commercial and residential developments. The fact that these mega-projectsRatner's downtown commercial-platz Metrotech, Atlantic Yards, the LDC plan, and the recently unveiled plans for a 60-story hotel/condo tower on Flatbushdidn't evolve autonomously over many years underscores a relatively new symbiotic relationship between the for- and non-profit sectors.
Fresh from NYU's master's program in visual-arts administration, Laurie Cumbo had dedicated her museum to contemporary artworks by people of African descent. In December 1999, MOCADA opened its doors in Bedford-Stuyvesant. 300 people showed up for the inaugural event, a big success for a little museum. After a grant from New York City's department of cultural affairs, Cumbo struggled to raise more money. "The city gives exorbitant amounts of money to institutions like the Met," she says. "Very little is left for smaller ones." BAM provided not only financial support, but advice on how to construct MOCADA's new headquarters.
Late in June 2004, the LDC announced its renovation of an abandoned medical testing facility at 80 Hanson Place, a few blocks southeast of the main BAM building, to provide office space for arts nonprofits. The LDC dubbed the building "80 Arts" and offered a reduced rent of $16 to $18 a square foot, several dollars less than comparable office space in the area, according to several current 80 Arts tenants. Cumbo applied and was offered 1,800 square feet of ground level space.
MOCADA officially reopened its doors in Fort Greene on May 18, 2006. Its mission: to raise the visibility of black artists for the express purpose of engaging, educating, and empowering the community. But herein lies a subtle irony. Faced with an uncertain future, MOCADA had to move from Bed-Stuy to Fort Greenea wealthier, whiter neighborhoodin order to survive. Symbolically, MOCADA abandoned its constituents and merged with the titanic forces of urban development and with BAM, the apex of the well-to-do avant-garde. In Cumbo's attempt to reach a larger audience, she is inadvertently contributing to the transformation of the neighborhood, which in turn is forcing out poorer, mostly black residents.