|
Ralph Antony Louissant is a sweet-faced 16-year-old, tall with closely cropped hair. Quiet and polite, he greets a visitor to his aunt's apartment with a soft "bon soir."
He arrived from Haiti in August to join his sister Carla, his aunt, and his cousins in Brooklyn. His family's attempts to get him registered in a New York City public high school started back then and culminated during two weeks in September, in an odyssey through five public high schools, trying to find one that would accept him.
Such is the situation with many English-language learners (ELLs), advocates say, where more than half of New York City's new small schoolsthe centerpiece of Chancellor Joel Klein and Mayor Michael Bloomberg's reorganization of the city's education systemhave student bodies in which less than 5 percent are ELLs. And despite a number of rulings saying that each school must provide services for ELLs, Ralph Antony's experience shows that it's perhaps only through family persistence and the intervention of advocates that many immigrant students are getting the services to which they are entitled.
In March 2006, the Citywide Council on High Schools, a parent group, filed a civil-rights suit with the U.S. Department of Education's Civil Rights Division, accusing the city's Department of Education of discriminating against ELLs and special-education students. The group is awaiting a determination in the case.
Ralph Antony and his sister Carla live with their aunt Michelle Xavier and cousins Thierry and Stephanie in a walk-up apartment south of Prospect Park. Devout Seventh-Day Adventists, they are very active in their church. Michelle is a cook at a Seventh-Day Adventist school, Carla (who is taking a semester off from York College) baby-sits for their pastor's children, and Ralph Antony attended a Seventh-Day Adventist high school in Port-au-Prince, where he learned some English.
While Carla and Michelle sat on a beige couch in their Brooklyn apartment and Thierry and Ralph Antony stood nearby, they related the tale of their quest to get Ralph Antony into a high school, each picking up as the other left off and translating each other at times. Ralph Antony had carefully saved all his papers, and Carla clicked on her cellphone calendar to verify the dates on which things happened.
Parents and guardians of students who have recently arrived or who have moved into New York City are told to go to one of 14 enrollment centers. In August, the Xavier-Louissants took Ralph Anthony to one that was then located at Clara Barton High School in Crown Heights. They were told to get him immunized, and when they returned a week later they were told that they needed to get the form notarized. They had waited all day, Michelle taking off the whole day from her job, bringing Ralph Antony, with Thierry, a senior at New Utrecht High School, there to translate.
"They didn't tell us anything about that before," said Carla, a striking young woman, wearing a red sweater with an American flag across the chest.
They returned on September 6 with the notarized immunization form in hand only to be told that the enrollment center didn't have his file anymore. They waited for a second worker, who also couldn't find his file. "She also told us that she had a problem with his report card," said Carla. "It was all in French."
Aren't they supposed to have translators? I asked.
"The lady who could read French was out to lunch," said Thierry, "and never came back."
In the third week of September, Ralph Antony was finally sent to the High School for Human Rights, one of the small schools in the old George Wingate High School.
"They told us there was no room for a 10th-grade ESL student," said Carla. The family traipsed back to the enrollment center.
The next day they were sent to the International High School at Prospect Heights in Crown Heights. One of the initiatives of the Klein administration is to increase to nine the number of international high schools across the city. These schools are designed for ELLs, and serve only them.
But despite being sent there by the enrollment center, they were told there was no room for Ralph Antony. The person who spoke to them suggested they try another small school in the building, the Brooklyn School for Music & Theater.
There, Ralph Antony was asked if he could play an instrument. He had studied the piano for five years, so he was asked to audition.
He played "When the Saints Go Marching In" and what Thierry called "a little piece from Mozart," and was asked to sight-read another piece of music. "A guy watching said he was really good," said Thierry.
Yet when they got home, they were greeted with a message on their answering machine from the school's 10th-grade guidance counselor, who said they couldn't accept him because of his level of English-language proficiency. Had they given him an English test? No.
Back to the enrollment center. Thierry suggested the ESL program at New Utrecht High School, where he goes. The enrollment office said no. Carla had suggested John Dewey High School, where she had learned English, but again the answer was no.
On the advice of their pastor, Jude Lors, they tried one of the small schools at Erasmus Hall High School in Flatbush, where Lors knew someone. Again, they were told that there was no room. "We were upset," said Thierry, "but we kept going."
During one of their visits to the enrollment center, they had met Micheline Cadet Duval, a resource specialist at the Haitian Bilingual/ESL Technical Assistance Center (HABETAC) at Brooklyn College, one of the 14 bilingual-education assistance centers contracted by the New York State Education Department to help ELL students. Carla or her cousin Stephanie, a student at York College, would call Duval, keeping her abreast of what was happening.
"She told me that her mother couldn't take another day off of work," said Duval later. "It's crazy. You have a job and you also have to be a community activist as a job to get what you want."
Duval wrote a letter to the assistant principal of Clara Barton High School, which has a Haitian Creole bilingual program. "Ralph is being referred to you, hoping that Clara Barton can welcome him to the New York City public schools and address his academic needs," she wrote. And she accompanied Michelle and Ralph Antony to the school and waited to see the principal.
Finally, said Duval, the principal, Dr. Richard Foreman, accepted Ralph Antony into the school's Haitian Creole bilingual program.
"It was a match," says Foreman. "He was very personable young man. I'm a parent of a high-school student. I want my students to be treated the same way as my daughter." (Clara Barton, incidentally, is severely overcrowded. It has 2,200 students in a building built for 1,800.)
Is the relay race that the Xavier-Louissant family had to run typical? Deycy Avitia of the New York Immigration Coalition says yes. "We know that there are dozens of schools that don't have any kind of program for English-language learners at all."
Bilingual programs are those in which students take ESL to learn English as well as having their other content-area classes like math, science, and social studies taught by a bilingual teacher who can move from their native language to English to ease the transition. ESL schools are those in which students, usually from a variety of countries and with many different languages of origin, learn English either in a self-contained class or in something called a "pull-out" (in which they are taken out of class for a period to learn English) or a "push-in" (in which ESL teachers come into the regular class to help ELLs). It's only the big schools, which generally have larger concentrations of students with one language background, that have bilingual programswhich is why the number of these schools is decreasing, as large schools are increasingly being closed. But the bigger question is not whether bilingual programs work better than ESL programs, but whether immigrant students are being served at all.
"As we are moving into a trend of more small schools," Avitia says, "we're seeing that there's no place for [ELLs]." In their joint 2006 report, "So Many Schools, So Few Options," the New York Immigration Coalition and Advocates for Children of New York found that "out of the 183 small schools we analyzed, more than half (93) had less than 5% of ELLs in their student body."
Which means, according to Avitia, "we only have one or two [ELL] students and we meet with them 15 minutes before school starts. We don't have any other services for them." Regarding Ralph Antony, Melody Meyer, a spokesperson for the city's Department of Education, says, "What you're describing shouldn't happen." She goes on to say, "I'm not going to speculate where the error occurred. If a school is sent a student from the enrollment center, the school should take him or her."
Meyer points out that although the new small schools that have been open only one to two years have a 6.8 percentage of ELL students, schools that have been open three years or more have 9.4 percent, close to the 9.7 percent of schools citywide. "If you look at the bulk of the new small schools, they are not as below average as portrayed, but closer to the citywide average after the first few years," she says.
But figures from the Department of Education's own website show that the schools Antony tried to attend had very low figures: the School for Human Rights (5 percent), and the Brooklyn School for Music & Theatre (1 percent). The Erasmus schools also had low percentages: the High School for Service & Learning (about 3.5 percent) and the High School for Youth and Community Development (6 percent). (Most of these figures are from the 2005-6 school year.)
Advocates like Avitia say that the city's new small schools have gotten a pass on servicing both ELLs and special-education students by arguing that the difficulties in starting a new school are such that they need two years before they can begin to integrate those students. In response to the civil-rights suit and wide criticism, the Department of Education offered 10 small schools an extra $30,000 if they put together a program serving ELLs and special-education students. Only seven schools applied for the grant, which would only pay for half a teacher.
"As a matter of policy, a school can't deny a place to an ELL student," says Meyer. But, she goes on, "we don't want to send a student to a school that doesn't meet his or her needs."
"It's not enough to say that 'we don't have a program,' " says lawyer and Brooklyn College School of Education professor David Bloomfield, a member of the Citywide Parent Council, which brought the civil-rights suit. "They need to have programs at the schools where the students want to enroll. Every school should have a program serving English-language learners, whether it's a bilingual or an ESL program. That's the law."
It's a bit like a chicken-or-egg situation, says Avitia, where schools wait until ELLs apply before setting up the programs, but until those students do they don't have those programs, so the schools can't accept the students. She feels that the new schools should have programs for ELLs from the beginning. But, says the New York Immigration Coalition, the Department of Education should be doing more than that. The coalition's new report, which is expected to come out in late December or early January of next year, found that workers at enrollment centers weren't even aware of translated documents that they had available or that there are phone interpretation services available through the Department of Education, and that most centers didn't have a mechanism for identifying parents in need of interpretation services.
"What is being done at the enrollment centers is that there are far more translation services than ever before," says Meyer. "This year between July and October, we have more than tripled the number of requests for over-the-phone translations over last year. This is a step in a process of great, great improvement than ever before."
"The major problem is that the Department of Education is not monitoring and doesn't know which schools provide services," says Avitia, "and then the students are being sent back to the enrollment center. Or, worse case, they are keeping the students and not providing the additional services."
Not every family is like the Xavier-Louissants, who tenaciously kept going back and forth to the enrollment center, took days off of work and school, were lucky enough to find an advocate and reach out to her, and persisted until they got what they wanted: 16-year-old Ralph Antony is now, as of October 1, going to high school.
"I'm happy," he said. "I'm with my family and going to school."
|
LITERACY IN KINDERGARTEN
The Reading Wars began in earnest in 1967, when Harvard’s Jeanne Chall published her famous book, Beginning to Read – The Great Debate. At the time it was fashionable to teach reading in a “child-centered” way, based on the philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau and John Dewey, believing all education should proceed naturally, without burdening students with adult-generated admonitions or rules. It had become to be widely believed that teaching children letter-sound correspondences, the alphabetic principle and the basic rules of grammar would actually be counterproductive to learning.
However, after several years spent observing young children learn in classrooms, Chall found the philosophies of literacy instruction fell into two broad categories. The first she called “meaning emphasis” because the voguish emphasis was indeed on the child’s use of language and the quest to find meaning in the written word. The other she called “code emphasis” because practitioners believed children had to understand the basic nature of alphabetic writing in order to subsequently learn to read with good comprehension.
Chall’s studied conclusion was that, generally speaking, “code emphasis” was a much better way to start literacy instruction in young children, particularly poor and socially disadvantaged children.
According to education historian Diane Ravitch’s generally excellent book, Left Back – A Century of Failed School Reforms (2000), Chall’s book by no means ended The Great Debate. To the contrary, there was a “progressive” reaction to the book’s message, and many educators stuck to their habitual beliefs, again emphasizing “child-centered”, “natural”, and “socially and individually appropriate” methods for the teaching of literacy.
According to Ravitch, a decade later, by 1977, the public outcry had again led to a “back to basics” movement that again pushed the teaching of phonics to the fore. And again there was a reaction from the entrenched educational establishment. During the 1980’s a movement called “whole language” became all the rage among a large percentage of teachers and education professors. The essence of whole language was the belief that formal theories of the teaching of literacy are counter-productive and unwarranted. Like Rousseau in his classic on politics and education, Emile, or on Education, reading occurred “naturally” when students, subtly guided but never coerced or pushed by elders, came to want to learn literacy on their own. Rousseau emphatically didn’t care whether children had learned to read and write well into adolescence. Rousseau, in a declared attempt to modernize Plato’s prescription for “a philosopher king”, believed that man’s only natural instinct was one of love for one’s fellow man, and of an altruistic desire to serve humanity. Any variation in human nature, he felt, was due to the malign influence of tradition and civilization. He was the first author in history to decry “bourgeois” values. He had previously blamed society’s ills on the invention of private property, and he advised the abandonment of cities and made other recommendations repeated in The Communist Manifesto of Marx and Engels.
By the end of the decade public and congressional demands for a more rigorous approach to the education of the nation’s youth led to a committee which reported on the ideal way to teach phonics in schools. The lead writer, Marilyn Jager Adams, wrote the report which was published in book form for the public under the title, Beginning to Read -- Thinking and Learning About Print. In this book the author insisted children must understand “the alphabetic code”, but also that teaching phonics was only an adjunct to the most important learning to recognize and identify words instantly and correctly by sight. Although “sight-word reading” was close to the heart of “progressive” educators, Adams’ insistence on prior understanding of letter-sound correspondences made her a villain in the mind of “progressive” educators who, according to Ravitch, believed their approach was essential to the social redemption of the country, and who considered a more didactic approach to be dangerously “right-wing”.
The 1990’s were marked by a “return to basics”, and saw the introduction of “Goals 2000” under the Clinton administration, and subsequently the “No Child Left Behind” and the “Put Reading First” programs of the administration of the younger President Bush.
Ravitch seemed to believe the issue was resolved, and that improvement in the nation’s disastrous reading practices would be resolved as soon as a “blended” approach, incorporating both the traditional initial emphasis on phonics, followed rapidly by immersion in the “good literature” so dear to the hearts of “progressives”, was effected.
Ravitch was correct in stating that either approach, carried to an extreme, would be counter-productive, but she was incorrect in believing a dramatic amelioration of the situation was at hand. As she wrote, the National Assessment of Education Progress reports indicated that 27% of European-American fourth-graders, 60% of Latino students, and 64% of African-American students in our schools read “below basic”. Which is to say, they are functionally illiterate at an age where the fluent ability to read is imperative for continued meaningful education, especially in the “knowledge era” ushered in by high technology a half century ago.
I believe both “phonics” and “whole language” are equally poor ways to instill literacy, and no combination of the two can be expected to solve this immense national problem.
I am a retired physician, and I have spent the past decade attempting to apply the thinking of medical science to the problem of teaching literacy.
An important element of “progressive” educational thought is that intelligence, and therefore the ability to succeed academically, is innate, genetically acquired, and unalterable. This view was again pushed hard in the book “The Bell Curve, by Murray and Herrnstein, published in 1994. These authors believed they had proof that African-American and those with American Indian backgrounds have lower average intelligences than white Americans, and that many children are simply not educable in the traditional sense of the term.
The impetus of progressive education during the twentieth century was provided in large part by John Dewey’s book (1899) The School and Society. In it, Dewey prescribed a very Rousseau-like form of education in the belief a traditional education was not useful to the 99% of children unequipped for meaningful academic study who would spend their lives working in factories in the then-new era of the machine age. He felt a new anti-capitalist utopia would emerge if the schools could only teach children to adjust themselves to new social realities without developing the greed, acquisitiveness and hyper-individualism engendered by the capitalistic system of competition and disharmony. Dewey visited the Soviet Union, as did many of his colleagues, and he held a mock trial in which Leon Trotsky, having been purged by Stalin, was found innocent of any wrongdoing. Dewey, among other educational philosophers of his day, believed that consciousness was a group phenomenon and was beyond the grasp on individuals to acquire. In more recent decades the idea has transmuted into a belief in “constructivism”. This idea, akin to “post-modernism” and existentialism, incorporates the belief that individuals “construct their own truths” and that this is both inevitable and desirable from a social standpoint, and that didactic efforts at instilling one’s beliefs in children is the height of misadventure.
Unfortunately neither this belief nor the teaching of “phonics” has anything to do with teaching young school students to read. Just as it was not understood until the late 1980’s that children with reading problems typically lack the ability to break a spoken word into its component letter-sounds, I discovered young children are incapable of making a mental image of written syllables or other written entities.
Having spent the past decade studying, reading, and communicating by email with a wide variety of educators and teachers on the subject, I have come to several minoritarian conclusions about the literacy problem. I now believe that “dyslexia” and “specific learning disorders” do not exist as biological entities, but are only manifestations of the mistaken ideas and faulty theories of the “experts” in the field. It is common knowledge that there is no way to diagnose these entities except to observe that many children fail to learn as expected; there is no way to prognosticate as to which students will suddenly “catch on” and subsequently learn normally; and no way to treat these putative disorders except by the tried and true teaching techniques used for millennia.
The central problem of “dyslexics” is not their inability to “hear the sounds in words”, the current dogma, any more than it was that they “see letters backwards”, the previous mistake, now shown to be absolutely untrue.
A normal reader can identify a word (and even note any spelling errors) in a word clearly seen for only a small fraction of a second. Literate Chinese can do the same with a series of three to seven sequential Chinese characters.
"Dyslexics" cannot envision or remember what words look like. Anyone doubting this need only ask a one to draw an accurate picture of any written work he cannot “sound out” correctly.
As a matter of fact, preliterate children and other illiterates are incapable of mentally envisioning written syllables. This ability is not innate and must be learned. The past century’s most influential psychologist, inventor of “behavior therapy”, B. F. Skinner was an avowed “anti-mentalist” (as well as a socialist devotee of Mao Tse-Tung) refused to see any benefit in the philosophic concept of “mind”, and that's why we now say “cognitive” which only means “mental", and “cognitive deficit” translates into “mental defect” in plain English.
As with learning anything, the key to learning to mentally envision letters and sequences of them is to think about them. If we asked four- and five-year-old children to think about what alphabet letters look like for five minutes daily, they would soon spontaneously become competent readers, as long as they complied with our request.
The problem is, of course, that young children would not comply. However, it is impossible to write an alphabet letter without thinking about its shape, and planning the trajectory of the pencil tip, before hand. Therein lies the explanation of the value of printing fluency . Children can learn to read without knowing how letters are written, but all lagging readers in K-1 are less than fluent in printing the alphabet. The remedy is simply better instruction and more practice.
To test this theory, I enrolled on an internet listserv of Teachers Applying Whole Language, and asked them to measure their first-grade students fluency in writing the alphabet (we had them write for twenty seconds, one third of a minute, counted the number of legible different letters, and multiplied by three to get a “letters per minute” or “lpm” rate, because young children often can not give maximal attention to similar tasks for a full minute). I also asked these teachers to assess and report each child’s relative reading skill. Children were identified by numbers only, so permission for participating in a scientific test was unnecessary.
After collecting data on 94 such “control” students, the very strong positive correlation with printing fluency and reading skill was established. However the teachers felt the study “proved nothing” and they refused to attempt to get children to print fluently on purpose. This would have been contrary to whole language dogma, and to me this seemed a purely political refusal.
Next, wanting to reproduce the study, I started my own listserv (archives are available to anyone who signs onto the k1writing list at yahoogroups.com) and found five kindergarten teachers who were anxious to help me prove that adequate printing practice with alphabet letters is an invaluable adjunct to making young readers (as long as “dyslexia” has not yet been diagnosed and provided a self-fulfilling prophecy), just as Maria Montessori wrote it would in her book, The Montessori Method, in 1912. The findings of these teachers with 106 kindergarten students were astounding. There were virtually no reading failures, and race, ethnicity and social status had nothing to do with it. The only failures were students who lacked the self-discipline to comply with the teachers request they spend five minutes daily practicing writing the alphabet. Contrary to progressive predictions, no negative effects of the practice were observed, and children generally loved seeing themselves master the art of “fluent” printing. Children learned to read by the time of, or immediately after acquiring the ability to write the alphabet at a rate of 40 lpm, and such children could also name randomly presented alphabet letters at the same rate (which is well known to be an excellent predictor of reading success in rising first-graders).
I wrote up our findings and sent them to the Harvard Educational Review in March, 1994. Two months later I received a form letter telling me my manuscript had been rejected for publication. Since then I have attempted to get many many teachers, school principals, university education professors, and school superintendents to try to duplicate our findings. None have done so, and as noted by the members of the National Reading Panel in the year 2000, there is still no published study on the possible beneficial effect. Both the past and the present acting chiefs of the NIH’s National Institute of Child Health and Human Development emailed me their agreement that no such study exists, but neither proceeded to see that such a study was done.
Once children can mentally envision written syllables like “cat”, “boy” or “Tom”, they naturally and immediately begin to ask how many common words are written. They say the sound that each letters makes as they write it (we all do this; there is no other way to write, in any written language). The “phonic” values of vowels in English are almost totally unreliable, especially in the words constituting the vocabularies of kindergartners. Rather than “learning phonics”, children learn how our words are phonetically written.
As they learn how words are written, and to write them, children simultaneously learn phonetics, spelling, writing, and “phonemic awareness”…the ability to “segment” spoken words into their component letter sounds, a skill generally possessed only by those literate in alphabetic languages.
Virgil Hillyer, the headmaster of the Calvert School in Baltimore, 1899-1931, wrote in the early 1920's that the school had never failed to teach a normal first-grader to read and write, even though phonics was not taught. Children began on the first day to write “The tree is green”, and “I see a tree”, etc., etc., until they were fully literate and ready to begin academic study after about the first three months of school. (There was no kindergarten at the Calvert School at the time.
Most proponents of a “new” way of teaching literacy claim their method is “scientific”. I do not claim this, though our initial study was certainly consistent with the scientific method. In order to be scientifically proven, someone else will have to study the complicated art of teaching kindergartners to read and try to reproduce our study. I can only guarantee the attempt will do no harm, and getting children to be better at writing can’t be a bad thing in itself.
That is why I am writing this essay. I have also read that children who can give correct answers to simple single-digit addition facts at a rate exceeding forty correct answers per minute in the second-grade will never have subsequent problems with math or science. This, as well as the literacy method I described, worked for my grand children, and I personally believe it will work for any grossly normal human child.
And current fluency recommendations are too modest. My grand daughter could read at the rate of 120 correct words per minute at the end of first-grade.
If she could do it, any child can.