Giuliani Partners LLC
Five Times Square
Confidential Memo to File
May 20, 2004
Hell of a day yesterday before the 9-11 Commission. Usually charge $50,000 for my Churchill impression, but this time I delivered the what-I-did-on-9-11 tale for free. I had Judi positioned within the camera lens, blotting out all those old Donna stories from coast to coast. I was the only witness without a time limit on my opening statement, allowing me to recount for the evangelicals my “God bless you” and “pray for us” farewells to fire officials who perished. I did it all as a witness who was supposed to be defending the city’s preparedness and response. Nothing like anecdote as the antidote to explanation.
On the way to the hearing, the only hard number I had in my head (and coat pocket) was Dick Cheney’s latest blood pressure results. The Bushies had to be watching. The same commission that skewered Condi was so intimidated by my 9-11 afterglow they bowed to me. They even used me as a consultant on CIA and FBI intelligence practices when I haven’t worked at Justice in Washington for over 20 years. With Cheney’s favorables sinking deeper than his bunker and the Joe Wilson leak grand jury heading into Cheney’s office, I may not have to wait until 2008 to make my national move. That’s why I spun everything at the hearing W’s way.
Can you believe I had the balls to say that if I knew about the August 6 PDB, “I can’t honestly tell you we would have done anything differently”? Rove raved! I’m implicitly saying that, even with the PDB, we wouldn’t have gotten the police department and fire department ready for a major event, possibly reducing the stunning surprise of 9-11 and saving lives. I’m saying we wouldn’t have so much as tested the WTC repeaters or made sure that they were at least switched on. In one verbal cross-step, I went from portraying myself across America as the mayor who knew the terrorists were coming to one who would’ve done nothing when given a veritable announcement of it.
With a PDB that referred three times to New York, once to the WTC, once to terrorist suspects shooting photos downtown, and even alluded to a “suspicious pattern” of terrorist conduct “consistent with preparations for hijacking,” I said it would’ve been a no-news memo. I got away with claiming that a memo entitled “Bin Laden Determined to Strike in U.S.” would not “jump out at you to be so terribly unusual,” and would have “melded together with hundreds of other things that were of equal or more importance.” Hell, I shut City Hall down to everyone but the Yankees because of the threat that someone might spot me with Cristyne—and now I’m saying I would have done nothing with the PDB! No way Cheney could carry that water. My “near-death experience” on that career-maker of a day, and the decimation of my city, let me put a spike through that Democrat canard.
Isn’t it great to be able to point the old partisan finger at anyone who raises a 9-11 question—hell, the media did it for us with John Lehman even though he’s a Republican—when it’s actually the White House and me who are turning it into a partisan bonanza? Hell, I even rushed out there at Rove’s behest a few months ago when the coffin commercial controversy got hot. I put the Giuliani imprimatur on the crassest exploitation of body parts. Hell, no one even noted that the Rove guy I mentioned in my testimony—the one I called on 9-11, Chris Henick—now works for me at Giuliani Partners. Just like all three of my ex-commissioners who testified. Better believe I vetted every word those clowns said. I learned a long time ago that it’s best to keep everything in a tight, well-connected circle.
I did have one rather large contradiction at the core of my testimony, but no one seemed to notice. I hope when the commission staff writes the report, they wear the same blinders that the commission wore yesterday. I said the “most briefings” and “most information” I got “came in” during “the buildup to the millennium celebration in 2000.” I mentioned I got four or five separate briefings and that “we went through drills and exercises and deployed thousands of police officers.” I played right into the hands of that partisan Dick Clarke (isn’t it funny how working for three Republican presidents can be turned on its head?). Wasn’t that his point just a month or so ago when he compared how juiced-up the Clinton gang was at the millennium versus how laid-back the Bushies were when Tenet’s hair was on fire in the summer of 2001?
In 1999, well before the Times Square hoopla, my emergency management guy Jerry Hauer went down to huddle with CIA counterterrorism director Cofer Black and came back to brief me. I talked directly to FBI chief and old buddy Louie Freeh. We did four tabletop exercises at City Hall. Clinton was already so involved, he had actually chaired a tabletop exercise with Hauer in Washington way back in ’98. Unlike Condi, Sandy Berger held dozens of Principals’ meetings on Al Qaeda, especially right before the millennium. John O’Neill, the New York FBI chief on counterterrorism, was feeding every tidbit to Hauer, and sometimes directly to me.
Thank God nobody pressed me to contrast that aggressiveness with our Clueless in Crawford president (I’m already sounding like Cheney). Hell, Clarke testified that “the threat level in the summer of 2001 exceeded anything that George Tenet and I had ever seen.” Yet I testified that the federal warnings we got in 2001 weren’t “particularly different” than they were “in ’98, ’99, 2000.” I was trying to cover for Bush by drawing a flat line on warnings. No one noticed that there was every reason for a big bump in the line in 2001. Of course, if I’d have said there was a surge in 2001 warnings, even the mesmerized commissioners might have wanted to know what I did about it.
More important than these conundrums, however, is that I was treated by the commission and media as if it still were 9-11. I was dodging the facts as well as I dodged the debris that day. John Lehman set a record for mixed metaphors. I was clearly “the captain on the bridge,” he said, even though just 24 hours earlier he’d described my command structure as unworthy “of the Boy Scouts.” I even testified that the PD and FD had the capacity to communicate by radio that day and no one laughed. To mess with me is still to mess with a necessary national myth—namely, that someone stood tall that day, even though my own tale in testimony was a meandering search for an instant command center because I’d put mine in the top terrorist target in the world.
The prepared statements of Ray Kelly and Nick Scoppetta went on for 46 pages listing the improvements the Bloomberg boys have made in intelligence and readiness. Just the number of city cops on the Joint Terrorism Task Force with the FBI has gone from 17 in my day to 130, and with 4,000 fewer cops on the force. Every improvement should raise questions about why we didn’t do the same after the 1993 bombing and all the Al Qaeda warnings pre-9-11. But the Bloomberg boys answered with uniform “no’s” when asked if they had any criticisms of how we’d handled 9-11, so no one judged us by contrasting our actions with theirs. If the PD and FD were as synchronized as Bloomberg and I—with nary a negative word ever passing anyone’s lips on either team—we’d finally have the unified command we need when faced with the worst possible emergency: a penetrating public question.
Maybe, with the media as consumed by the myth as I am, I’ll never have to face one of those emergencies again.
Research assistance: Catrinel Bartolomeu, Molly Bloom, Caitlin Chandler, Andrea Toochin, and Catherine Shu