News flash! The state budget that’s been so trashed in the tabloids does loads of good things you’ve heard next to nothing about.
Whenever the rich are taxed, the only media contest in town is who will howl louder — Rupert or Mort. Both are such class enemies of their own readers that, in a budget season like this, the editorial rants of the Post and News swamp their news pages and all we get are daily diatribes ginned up by tax hikes but camouflaged as pleas for fiscal probity.
Can anyone really defend a personal income tax in what’s supposed to be one of America’s most progressive states where everyone earning more than $40,000 a year is in the same bracket? Is there something wrong with changing that so that families earning more than $300,000 pay at a higher rate, and someone earning more than $500,000 pays at a still higher rate? And if changing those brackets delivers $4 billion in additional revenue to the state — avoiding, for example, the layoffs of teachers and the slashing of student assistance programs for college students — shouldn’t the newspapers that those teachers and students buy be cheering?
If the new budget eliminates the STAR property rebate checks that go
indiscriminately to owners of Hampton mansions and multi-million dollar
Manhattan condos, delivering another $1.5 billion in saved revenue to
the state, isn’t it a social good that we used those funds to finance
the first increase in the state welfare grant in 19 years? Shouldn’t we
celebrate a budget that reforms Rockefeller’s cruelest legacy, closes
prisons and funds drug treatment for nonviolent users, instead of
sacrificing them without judicial discretion, as we have for
counterproductive decades, to cells that prop up the upstate economy?
Did anyone in the media notice that the budget restored a $100 million
hit on the state’s 700,000 elderly, blind and disabled poor who were
counting on a minimal, cost-of-living, boost in their SSI checks?
supposed to be outraged that the $131 billion budget is $10 billion
more than last year’s. But at least $7 billion of that is pure federal
stimulus that, as Republican governors have established, has to be
spent or returned. One Post screed suggested that the stimulus
was supposed to be spent to avoid state tax hikes. Seems to me the
president talked endlessly about the stimulus being used to avoid
massive state and local layoffs which would only have deepened the
downturn. This state budget is an extension of the Obama calculation
that government spending is the way to yank us out of the spiral, so
why would policies saluted in Washington be condemned in New York?
Indeed, just like in Washington, every Republican in the Albany
legislature is voting against the state budget. But instead of
depicting them as obstructionists without an answer, as the media has
at a national level, New York’s Republicans, who were as profligate as
Bush when they controlled the senate, are suddenly being saluted as
beacons of budgetary balance. In reality, New York’s GOP naysayers,
like everywhere else in America, are nothing more than stick men for
Even the remaining $3 billion in additional expenditures is what is
called “all-funds” spending, which means it includes some federal
funding that’s not stimulus, some bonded capital projects, and the
tiniest bit, less than 1 percent (not the 10 percent in the headlines)
of actual state operating expense. The critics are largely right when
they charge that the primary cuts in this budget are merely reductions
in the projected growth of state expenditures, not actual cuts in real
spending. While in other business cycles, these claimed “cuts” may be
hogwash, holding state-funded expenditures virtually flat in a crisis
like this, when Medicaid and many other demands on services are
soaring, is tough. If the critics are demanding shared pain, they will
certainly see some.
There is no chance that the tax bracket restructuring, welfare hike,
STAR slash, prison closings, and Rockefeller drug law reforms would
have happened if the Republicans had retained control of the senate. As
much as Malcolm Smith and the Senate Democrats have stumbled, their
majority made these genuine achievements possible (though it was Smith
and Paterson who apparently pushed to “sunset” or suspend the tax
changes after three years, while Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver wanted
to continue them for five years). The governor championed the welfare
and drug treatment advances, but he inexplicably had to be dragged,
kicking and screaming, to the tax reforms by Silver, the assembly
conference and the Working Families Party.
For once, the speaker could not allow the marginals (Democratic
assembly members in swing districts) to set policy for his chamber and,
in fact, many of the marginals, as Tom Precious pointed out in the Buffalo News,
took a walk or voted against several of the budget bills. Silver has
built his majority to an astronomical 109 to 41 and he may lose some
seats with this package. He’s also defending the indefensible — $170
million in unaccountable member items and a disastrously insular budget
process. But it was he — even at the risk of making himself the number
one tabloid target — who bulled through so many of these positives in
a time when we are so plagued with negatives.
The fairest critique of the budget is long term. Wall Street will never
come back to what it was and state leaders have yet to face our very
different budgetary future. Brooklyn assemblyman Jim Brennan believes
the legislature deserves credit for closing the majority of an
astounding $17 billion deficit by strong state actions independent of
the stimulus, but says “we have many tough decisions yet to make.”
If state leaders haven’t begun to adjust to this fundamental shift,
neither has Mayor Bloomberg, who is nonetheless praised by the same
tabloids that condemn state Democrats. The fact is that no one has a
plan to make New York’s finances viable beyond the stimulus, and maybe
it’s too early to expect one.