By Jared Chausow
By Katie Toth
By Elizabeth Flock
By Albert Samaha
By Anna Merlan
By Jon Campbell
By Jon Campbell
By Albert Samaha
In a May 1 conference call with the Voice and their attorney, Sipple and Murphy insisted that they had "minimal" involvement producing spots or purchasing airtime for the Dole campaign. They added that they reported to Dole pollster Tony Fabrizio, who, they said, controlled all of the campaign's purchase of commercial airtime.
Murphy said that, prior to the Voice article, he had not heard from a single person about the FBI investigation. Sipple, however, said: "I was aware that the FBI is out interviewing a lot of different people" connected to the Dole '96 campaign.
Both men declined, on advice of counsel, to say whether or not the FBI has contacted them as part of the investigation.
As reported last week, a GOP strategist charged in a memorandum after the '96 campaign that top Dole staffers "were on the take, and bitter fights erupted over who was getting the most." Public disclosure of that memo last fall appears to have triggered an FBI investigation. (The memo, entitled "Foundational Problems of Dole '96 Campaign Staff, Or 'Whatever,"' can be read in its entirety at www.thesmokinggun.com.)
Following the Voice report, the Kansas City Star confirmed the FBI investigation, citing, in an April 30 story, "three former members of Dole's campaign team" whom the bureau had contacted. The FBI, the Star said, is trying to determine whether "top officials" in Dole's campaign "received kickbacks in exchange for steering high-dollar media and telephone contracts to prominent consultants."
Aside from a brief mention of the Voice story in USA Today, most of the national media have yet to report on the FBI probe.
Former Dole staffers told the Voice that the FBI asked them questions about the media production and airtime purchasing arrangements set up by Sipple and Murphy, as well as about the circumstances under which the pair left the campaign. But Benjamin Ginsburg, the former Republican National Committee counsel who now represents Sipple and Murphy, told the Voice: "Whatever the FBI may be investigating, it cannot be any illicit activities" by Sipple, Murphy, or their now defunct company New Century Media.
Several former Dole staffers have said that the campaign's commercial airtime purchases were overseen by Fabrizio. This is peculiar for two reasons. First, Fabrizio was ostensibly a pollster for the campaign, and pollsters do not ordinarily handle the media "buy" in presidential campaigns. Second, as the Newsweek team that authored the campaign book Back From the Dead put it, Fabrizio's "experience was all from state and local campaigns, not presidential campaigns."
A protege of the infamous pollster--strategist Arthur Finkelstein, Fabrizio had a prominent role in the Dole campaign, and "liked to posture as a bad boy," according to Back From the Dead. "He taped his nickname, 'The Rat,' onto his nameplate at Dole headquarters."
According to former Dole staffers who have been interviewed by the FBI, the bureau is interested in whether Fabrizio and/or other Dole campaign officials paid themselves by receiving a percentage of the media "buy." Fabrizio told the Voice that one of his companies, Multi-Media Services Corporation, "served as the official media placement agency for the Dole campaign during the primary elections" and for some of the media buys during the general election. Fabrizio says his firm received 1.25 per cent "of the gross media expenditures during the general election." Thus, if the campaign purchased a million dollars in TV ad time, Fabrizio's firm would receive $12,500. Overall, the Dole campaign spent some $40 million on media.
Fabrizio did not disclose whether or not he has discussed this arrangement with the FBI. He maintains that all such payments "were documented, reported and fully disclosed by the Dole Primary and General election campaign committees as required by law. These payments are a matter of public record for anyone to see." He added that "to the best of my knowledge [Dole campaign manager] Scott Reed approved all contracts with the campaign."
A Voice review of numerous Federal Election Commission filings reveals that Fabrizio made staggering amounts of money this way. In January 1996, for example, MultiMedia Services received $1.226 million for "media placement," (a figure suggesting that either that sum was the total advertising expense, or Fabrizio's fee during the primaries was much higher than 1.25 per cent). In a two-week period in September, MultiMedia Services received nearly $197,000 for "media expense." On November 2, 1996, the Dole campaign paid MultiMedia Services $160,000 for "media expense."
During the period that Sipple and Murphy worked for the campaign, their contract required the 1.25 per cent fee to go to Fabrizio's firm.
Although originally formed in June 1996 to handle the bulk of Dole's ad campaign, New Century was disbanded following what the consultants called "a power struggle" with top Dole staffers. Murphy told the Voice he worked "probably 65 days" for the Dole campaign.
Nonetheless, the pair spent large sums and were handsomely compensated for their efforts. New Century Media received $190,000 in "consulting fees" in early September 1996, according to FEC records, on top of nearly $1.28 million in "media expense" reimbursements in August and September of that year. (One difference between New Century and Fabrizio is that Sipple and Murphy actually made the spots, whereas Fabrizio mostly just placed them.)