By Albert Samaha
By Steve Weinstein
By Devon Maloney
By Tessa Stuart
By Alison Flowers
By Albert Samaha
By Jesse Jarnow
By Eric Tsetsi
When Ray Harding first endorsed Rudy Giuliani at a Sheraton Hotel press conference in April 1989, the Liberal Party issued a statement self-consciously exploring how compatible it and the Republican mayoral candidate were on "gut issues." Besides abortion, gay rights, and gun control, the statement emphasized Giuliani's opposition to tuition tax credits, the then popular version of publicly subsidized school choice.
One of the half-dozen pillars of the 55-year-old Liberal Party is an avowed dedication to public education and hostility to any undermining of the separation of church and state. Yet ironically, it was Harding's son Robert, a registered Liberal and the Giuliani budget director, who put together the February financial plan calling for a $12 million expenditure for vouchers, as well as a $4.5 million emergency modification for the current budget.
Since his surprise voucher announcement in January, the mayor has been traveling the country boosting his plan to use city funds to pay the tuition for thousands of low-income kids to go to private and parochial schools. The Libs, who put out two press releases earlier in the '90s denouncing other voucher proposals, have been silent about the mayor's plan, even as they prepare to support him for U.S. Senate in 2000.
Indeed, when vouchers threatened recently to force the resignation of Chancellor Rudy Crew, Ray Harding and Crew talked privately and Harding did not mention his party's traditional stand against them. Reached by the Voice and asked how he was going to handle Giuliani's voucher plan in view of his party's "bedrock principles," the Lib boss, whose law firm has made millions lobbying the Giuliani administration, said "thanks for your call" and hung up.
On July 24, 1991, Fran Reiter, the Liberal Party state chair, put out a rare party press release announcing its "strong" opposition to "a voucher scheme" under consideration by the State Board of Regents. The proposal, said the future Giuliani deputy mayor and current head of the Convention and Visitors Bureau, "amounts to a skimming off of the cream" of public school students, and would "demoralize and financially eviscerate schools most in need of support." Diverting public funds to private schools is "tantamount to giving up on the ideal of a classless society," the statement said.
The party put out a starkly similar release after George Bush announced a 1991 tax-credit plan to aid parents who moved their kids to private and parochial schools.
Harding told the Times in June 1992 that "abortion and the separation of church and state" were the party's "core principles." Yet Harding's state committee collected a $2500 contribution in November from School Choice Now, a Brooklyn-based PAC supporting vouchers that simultaneously gave $1500 to a Giuliani campaign committee.
Of course, the mayor did appear until recently to agree with the party's position, telling a United Federation of Teachers annual conference in May 1995 that vouchers "would bleed the public schools of needed funds" and be "a terrible mistake." Sandra Feldman, then the UFT president, told the Voice that she "personally had a conversation" with candidate Giuliani and "asked him about tuition tax credits and vouchers." Giuliani, she recalled, "said he was opposed. As a lawyer, he believed they were unconstitutional in New York State."
In 1996 the mayor indicated he might back the use of public funds to help send badly performing kids to Catholic schools, but quickly reversed himself. Instead, he supported a privately financed project that sent 1100 kids a year to nonpublic schools in 1997 and 1998.
The mayor's retreat took vouchers off the table during his reelection campaign, where they remained until he made what sources say was a last-minute decision to add it to his State of the City speech. Apparently, Governor Pataki's charter-schools success in December and Peter Vallone's January recommendation to abolish the Board of Ed forced Giuliani to come up with an education blockbuster of his own.
Vouchers dovetailed with his simultaneous need for what the Times called "another badge to wear on the national stage," a hard-edged school reform that would appeal to Republican donors across the country.
In addition, vouchers, like other parochial school subsidies, have historically been as strongly championed by the state Conservative Party as they've been opposed by the Libs. The party's platform supports "educational-choice programs," including "tax credits and/or vouchers," and its biggest financial backers, like investment adviser Richard Gilder, are also major donors to the School Choice Now PAC.
Giuliani's probably noticed that no Republican has won statewide office since 1974 without the Conservative line or with the Liberal line. His voucher switch may thus be a harbinger of flip-flops to come.
The main reason Giuliani cited for his conversion was the supposed success of the private scholarship program he jump-started, even though the data generated by consultants retained by the program is mixed. The evaluation, conducted by Washington-based Mathematica Policy Research, revealed one-year upticks regarded as "substantial" among fourth and fifth graders' reading and math scores, but a drop at the third grade level. By comparing kids who sought the scholarships and didn't get them with those who did, the evaluation also found that "the higher level of religious activity among scholarship users was, in all likelihood, a genuine program impact."