‘Intelligence and facts’ about Iraq were fixed, but post-invasion planning wasn’t
In fact, the recently released documents offer fresh clues not only about (1) the contempt the Bush and Blair regimes had for the intelligence of the American public and press but also about (2) why the occupation of Iraq has turned into such a horror show.
On March 14, 2002, Tony Blair‘s foreign policy adviser, David Manning, reported to his boss after meetings with Condi Rice and a National Security Council “team” in D.C., according to a memo leaked three years later:
What do you suppose he meant by “different”? Well, the U.S. press, for one thing, is much more easily gulled—in general, that is.
Only three days before Manning sent that memo to Blair, Dick Cheney (on his way to the Middle East) was in Great Britain meeting with the prime minister. The two regimes’ CEOs stood still for a press conference in London, where the reporters aren’t afraid to ask tough questions, and the Bush regime can’t put on its own dog-and-pony show. Here’s an example from the March 11, 2002, press conference, courtesy of a White House transcript:
Cheney’s reply? This is how he started it:
Yeah, that was really complex. But I guess compared with the “grilling” he gets from people like Tim Russert (left), it’s complex. On September 8, 2002, Russert hosted Cheney on Meet the Press and played slow-pitch with him—open-ended questions, perfect for spinning. Here’s one:
Yes, ask the vice president to define a buzz phrase that he and his handlers have spent a lot of time honing. Here’s another softball:
Gee, what do you think Cheney will say when you let him off the hook with a stupid-ass “Is that accurate?” appended to an otherwise-promising line of questioning? Here’s how Cheney belted that blooper pitch:
Keep in mind, now, that Cheney was making up this shit. The Bush and Blair regimes were “fixing” the intelligence, as the Downing Street Memo, revealed three years too late, put it.
A little later in the Russert interview, Cheney said:
Which provoked this question:
Big problem with this question, Tim. You’re asking a question that Cheney cannot answer. He can’t speak for others’ actions. Instead of pinning him down, you’re leaving him room to roam.
Russert could have asked this instead: “Our allies haven’t come to that conclusion, and they would have no reason to cover for Saddam. You say ‘we know.’ Give me a specific example of what ‘we know,’ and how that is at odds with what our allies’ intelligence tells them.”
But Russert didn’t ask that. Instead, he asked Cheney why our allies hadn’t “come to the same conclusion.” How in the world could Cheney know “why”? (Except for the fact that he and Blair were making up shit and the allies weren’t—but he couldn’t very well admit that.) This one was easy for Cheney to hit out of the park:
Oh, so our intelligence was good, eh?
Cheney was just giving himself a pat on the back, because the Bush regime was making it up as it went along, so it could justify an unjustified invasion of Iraq.
So, do you see a difference in the kinds of questions British and American politicians have to face? Democracy is more raucous in Great Britain, and the press—with exceptions—is more docile in America.
Now for the other part of the equation: the disastrous occupation that has followed the unjustified invasion. Go directly to the Downing Street memo itself for that. The memo from Matthew Rycroft to Manning of Manning’s meeting with Blair on July 23, 2002, summarized MI6 chief Richard Dearlove‘s recent visit to D.C. (Dearlove is referred to as “C.”) Here’s a passage from the memo:
“Little discussion” of the “aftermath,” huh? We’d better make sure there’s plenty of discussion about that.
More:DOWNING STREET MEMO